Legacy, an over-used word that ought to be tossed out of the political lexicon, except in the case of a handful of presidents and maybe a few Supreme Court judges. Otherwise, the whole concept is meaningless. How many state roads, damns, buildings, and conference rooms are named after people who have long since been forgotten? How many so-called honors were really disguised vanity projects? My point is not to denigrate people who step forward and devote their time and effort to public service; it is just a fact. There is no yesterday in politics.
Which brings us to Tom Gallagher and his painful-to-watch effort to become Florida's governor. Has any other man wanted a job so badly? Has any other man been so qualified, so prepared to assume the top job in the state? Gallagher is a walking encyclopedia on state policy. Intense, intellectually restless, at times, it seemed, he could barely restrain himself from interrupting a meeting or conversation, certain that he had the right answer. Admired for his gifts as an administrator, he had the reputation of hiring good people and letting them do their job. But like all politicians he had enemies, many enemies. There was always a sense among some that Gallagher played loose around the margins. And there was always just enough evidence to sow the seed of doubt about some of his dealings. That was a crucial difference between him and Governor-Elect Charlie Crist.
If Crist came off as a yacht riding high on the water on a sunny day, Gallagher was the guy in the speed boat whose wake threatened to swamp other boaters. That is why some interpreted Gallagher's hard-right tact on social issues as a Karl Rovian-type maneuver to tap into the Christian conservative base of the Republican Party as a means to out-flank Crist. Far be it from me to judge what's in a man's heart, but my experience has been that while the most callused of politicians are willing to trade votes, few are willing to sell their soul.
But if there is one thing that the state's primary and general election showed -as well as the Democrats taking over Capitol Hill–is that when people are truly suffering, they stop worrying so much about what is going on in another person's private life. And if there was one truism about the election, it is that after the 2004 and 2005 hurricane seasons, many Floridians are suffering. I have no polls to support this position, but I will put forward the argument that a sizable portion of the so-called “value voters” became “blue tarp” voters.
Part of Gallagher's problem was that he never seemed able to unlock the secret to using the office of chief financial officer as a means to define his policies, a fate that other ambitious politicians would be well to consider when they inevitably seek to use the office as a springboard to even higher offices. Initially, when voters agreed to restructure the Cabinet, it appeared that the CFO would have held a greater concentration of political power than the governor. But the legislature wasn't going to place that much power in one person's hands, much less Gallagher's. Instead, the legislature pulled the job apart until it is almost an office without a portfolio. It gave the governor as great or greater voice on insurance matters, and with an appointed insurance commissioner, the CFO was left without the regulatory power to crack down on the industry. During the election, Gallagher had the problem of pointing to his job and saying that this is what I do in a meaningful, easily understandable, way.
And so the curtain falls, the lights dim, and Gallagher leaves the stage. Like I said, there is no yesterday in politics.
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